Mark R. Levin has made the case, in numerous bestselling books that the principles undergirding our society and governmental system are unraveling. In The Liberty Amendments, he turns to the founding fathers and the constitution itself for guidance in restoring the American republic. The delegates to the 1787 Constitutional Convention and the delegates to each state’s ratification convention foresaw a time when the Federal government might breach the Constitution’s limits and begin oppressing the people. Agencies such as the IRS and EPA and programs such as Obamacare demonstrate that the Framers’ fear was prescient. Therefore, the Framers provided two methods for amending the Constitution. The second was intended for our current circumstances—empowering the states to bypass Congress and call a convention for the purpose of amending the Constitution. Levin argues that we, the people, can avoid a perilous outcome by seeking recourse, using the method called for in the Constitution itself. The Framers adopted ten constitutional amendments, called the Bill of Rights, that would preserve individual rights and state authority. Levin lays forth eleven specific prescriptions for restoring our founding principles, ones that are consistent with the Framers’ design. His proposals—such as term limits for members of Congress and Supreme Court justices and limits on federal taxing and spending—are pure common sense, ideas shared by many. They draw on the wisdom of the Founding Fathers—including James Madison, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, and numerous lesser-known but crucially important men—in their content and in the method for applying them to the current state of the nation. Now is the time for the American people to take the first step toward reclaiming what belongs to them. The task is daunting, but it is imperative if we are to be truly free.
Liberty is not synonymous with freedom. Without an historical, ethical, and moral understanding of liberty, freedom often becomes anarchy. In the Liberty Watch, journalist Charles E. Miller examines the various contexts in which liberty's meaning is obscured or misunderstood in today's society. For more than two hundred years, the United States has thrived due to the initial understanding that liberty does not come from a federal government, but from an omniscient God. Miller uses the founding documents of America's Judeo-Christian history, the Declaration of Independence and the Bill of Rights, to support this theory.Unfortunately, today's America has largely abandoned the Christian beliefs which inspired the founders in 1789. Morality and rebellion have corrupted the divine concept of liberty, resulting in a tainted view of our origins. Miller encourages us to make our own choices according to information, conscience, and moral-ethical discernment. In addition, he explores several concepts relating to liberty and freedom, including: Religious liberty as political power Moral choice and liberty The police state and civil liberty Liberty and individualism Liberty and religious tolerance Reminiscent of Thomas Paine's Common Sense, the Liberty Watch delivers a thoughtful, patriotic view of the incredible freedoms citizens of the United States of America enjoy daily.
The essays contained in the present volume represent Bentham's attempt to influence the direction of political and constitutional change taking place in Spain and Portugal in the early 1820s. At the same time as commenting on Spanish and Portuguese questions, Bentham outlined important aspects of his own legal and constitutional theories, defended measures of democratic reform, and offered a vigorous defence of free speech and communication. The volume complements Colonies, Commerce, and Constitutional Law, in which Bentham commented on the disastrous effects on Spain of her attempts to retain her overseas possessions.
Now in its fourth edition and completely updated, this is the most comprehensive book on constitutional amendments and proposed amendments available. • Provides clear explanations of each of the 27 constitutional amendments that have been adopted throughout U.S. history as well as essays on the subjects of the thousands of other proposals that have been made • Articulates important issues involving the constitutional amending process • Outlines key proposals for more radical changes to the U.S. Constitution that have been introduced outside of Congress
Over the past hundred years, average life expectancy in America has nearly doubled, due largely to scientific and medical advances, but also as a consequence of safer working conditions, a heightened awareness of the importance of diet and health, and other factors. Yet while longevity is celebrated as an achievement in modern civilization, the longer people live, the more likely they are to succumb to chronic, terminal illnesses. In 1900, the average life expectancy was 47 years, with a majority of American deaths attributed to influenza, tuberculosis, pneumonia, or other diseases. In 2000, the average life expectancy was nearly 80 years, and for too many people, these long lifespans included cancer, heart failure, Lou Gehrig’s disease, AIDS, or other fatal illnesses, and with them, came debilitating pain and the loss of a once-full and often independent lifestyle. In this compelling and provocative book, noted legal scholar Howard Ball poses the pressing question: is it appropriate, legally and ethically, for a competent individual to have the liberty to decide how and when to die when faced with a terminal illness? At Liberty to Die charts how, the right of a competent, terminally ill person to die on his or her own terms with the help of a doctor has come deeply embroiled in debates about the relationship between religion, civil liberties, politics, and law in American life. Exploring both the legal rulings and the media frenzies that accompanied the Terry Schiavo case and others like it, Howard Ball contends that despite raging battles in all the states where right to die legislation has been proposed, the opposition to the right to die is intractable in its stance. Combining constitutional analysis, legal history, and current events, Ball surveys the constitutional arguments that have driven the right to die debate.
Democrat and Republican factions continue to spread lies, and the United States will be ruined if they’re allowed to go unchecked. Their behavior can easily be compared to the Jim Crow South – only this time, it’s constitutional conservatives who are being abused. The good people of America need to join forces to launch an MLK-style movement to restore equal rights and fiscal sanity. John Lofgren, an intellectual patriot, explains how the liberal movement and faux conservatives are perverting the entire fiscal system in this powerful narrative that uncovers startling parallels between the past and present. He traces the frightening trajectory of U.S. fiscal policy beginning with the 1840s Erie Canal financing. By providing a platform for proposing solutions to the corruption and misguided views rampant in government, the author seeks to bring the country back to a firm foundation of financial stability. This book builds a case to de-socialize the banking system, end preferential rights, and re-establish state powers in order to reignite the pride and diversity America once leveraged to great economic advantage.
Constitutional amendments by United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on the Judiciary. Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments
Author: United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on the Judiciary. Subcommittee on Constitutional Amendments
Category: Constitutional amendments
Considers. S.J. Res. 2, to propose an amendment to the U.S. Constitution to reserve to the people of each state power to determine the composition of its legislature and the apportionment of the membership thereof in accordance with law and the provisions of the U.S. Constitution. S.J. Res. 37 and S.J. Res. 38, to propose an amendment to the U.S. Constitution to permit membership in one house of a state legislature composed of more than one house to be apportioned with the approval of the electorate upon a system other than that of equal representation. S.J. Res. 44, to amend the U.S. Constitution to permit any state to apportion one house of its legislature on factors other than population with the approval of a majority of its voters. Includes texts of Supreme Court decisions, p. 1025-1125.
لعل الاراء الواردة فى الصفحات التالية لت تؤلف " بعد " بما يكفى لتحوز تأييدا عاما : فاعتياد عد اعتبار شئ ما " خاطئاً" وقتا طويلا يعطيه مظهرا زائفا من " الصحة " ويثير فى بداية الامر احتجاجا شديدا دفاعا عن الاعاف والعادات . ولكن سرعات ما تهدأ الجبلة اذ الوقت كفيل بأن يهدى الى الصواب اناسا اكثر ممن يهديهم العقل .
Equity pleading and procedure by Alexander George Richey
Politicians, scholars, and even Supreme Court justices often look to Madison's broader body of work for guidance when interpreting the Bill of Rights. This title presents examination of Madison's political philosophy as reflected in the "Bill of Rights" and modern interpretations by Supreme Court justices.