This book explores the conditions of state formation and survival in the Middle East. Based on Historical Sociology, it provides a model for study of the state in the Arab world and a theory to explain its survival. Examining states as a ‘process’, the author argues that what emerged in the Middle East in the beginning of the twentieth century are ‘social fields’—where states form and deform—and not states as defined by Max Weber. He explores the constitutions of these fields—their cultural, material and political structures—and identifies three stages of state development in which different cases can be located. Capturing the dilemmas that ‘late-forming states’ face as regimes within them cope with domestic and international pressure, the author illustrates several Middle East cases and presents a detailed analysis of state developments in Saudi Arabia and Iraq. He maintains that more than the domestic characteristics of individual states, state survival in the Middle East is also a function of the anarchic nature of the international (and by extension the regional) states-system. The first to raise the question on the survivability of the territorial states in the Middle East while engaging with both International Relations and Comparative Politics theories, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of Middle East politics, Comparative Politics and International Relations.
This volume offers a series of case studies and "lessons learned" on the challenges faced by military forces in the protection of cultural property during armed conflict, ranging from training and awareness programs to all aspects of military operations.
This title provides an in depth study of Iran’s post 1979 Revolution economy under the Islamic Republic, with new material and related journal articles combined under one roof in a novel and reader friendly style. The volume starts with an original text, summarizing the development of the Iranian economy under five successive administrations, in five distinct phases. Following this are fifteen accompanying articles providing detailed information that expands on, and compliments, the discussion in the original material. Appropriate references on specific topics are made to each relevant article, ensuring the material is easily accessible to the reader. Topics discussed include public finance, employment, banking, petroleum, privatization, and the exchange rate. Full references are also made to US and universal economic sanctions and their effects, with the legacies of the Khatami and Ahmadinejad administrations also covered. This versatile title is designed to appeal to a vast readership. The hurried business executive or high government official, interested in a quick review of the subject matter may simply read the original text while think tank researchers, research fellows and students can take the time to read the supplementary articles and review what is related to the topic of their choosing.
Exporting the Shi`i Islamist revolution to the West and conquering the White House have been inseparable parts of the Iranian regime's agenda since the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979. The IRI officials have not been shy to express their desire for Shi`i domination imperialism in the whole world. Wherever there is a Shi`i community in the world, this community is a tool for pressure towards Islamists’ agenda and a base for militia building for the rulers of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Tourism is a vital tool for political and economic change. With international contributions from experienced individuals, this book cover general themes and issues, with three thematic sections with original chapters, and a concluding section. It covers a variety of international political changes at different scales and their resulting effects.
Provides a comprehensive overview of the development of the field of Organizational Behavior. This book covers the foundations of the scientific method, theory development, and the accrual of scientific knowledge in the field. It introduces the ideas of pioneers whose work pre-dates the emergence of Organizational Behavior.
This work is a scathing attack on the media. Many such attacks have been written before, particularly over the past century, & there will be many more to come. Such attacks are quite in order because this is precisely what the mass media deserve. At the same time, a lot of people would be sharper critics of specific media outlets, media proprietors & other individuals working in the propaganda cartels than the author has been.
This book analyzes Ayatollah Khomeinis ideology, Irans official and unofficial armed forces, and its allies throughout the world and provides photographs of the regimes predominant actors. Since 1892, the Shia clergy has played a major role in Iran, such as the tobacco boycott, which led to the withdrawal of the concession given by the Shah to British citizens, Irans Constitutional Revolution of 1906, as well as organizing opposition to the Shahs policies in the 1979 revolution. Ayatollah Khomeini was a lecturer at Hawza Ilmiyya (Shia seminary of traditional Islamic school of higher learning) of Najaf and Qom for decades before he came on to the Iranian political scene. In 1977, Khomeini assumed the mantle of leadership within the Islamist opposition after the death of Ali Shariati, a leftist intellectual and one of the most influential Iranian Muslim thinkers of his generation. In 1930, Shariati contributed a new line of thinking in Iran, through his reinterpretation of jihad and shahadat (martyrdom), which was presented in his view of an authentic Islam. Shariatis new authentic Islam centered on a reinterpretation of the story of Karbala, where Imam Hussein was martyred in a battle, refusing to pledge allegiance to Yazid, the Umayyad caliph. Shariati borrowed the Christian concept of martyrdom from the Crucifixion and Resurrection of Jesus as the basis of his new Islamic philosophy. Shariati wrote that when faced with the possibility of ones own death, one must adopt an attitude of freedom-toward-death and thereby experience authentic living. In 1978, Ayatollah Khomeinis reinterpretation of Shia rituals removed the borders between the audience and the actors, turning the entire country into a stage for his casting. He imbued the old passion of the story of Karbala with a new passionate hatred for the Shahs unjust rule in Iran, as well as Israels and the United Statess influences within the world. Khomeinis memory of Dr. Mohammed Mosaddegh, whose government was toppled by the CIA in 1953, returning the Shah to Iran, resulted in the rise of various political groups such as nationalists, liberals, secularists, and Marxists. These groups were essential in assisting Khomeinis overthrow of the Shah, though they were soon stomped out by the creation of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in May 1979 in order to protect Khomeinis unique brand of a Shia Islamic Revolution. The Iran-Iraq War initiated the rapid expansion of the IRGCs size and capabilities. In September 1980, the IRGC had only 30,000 men in lightly armed units. Prior to the war, the IRGC personnel were very young in age and had little to no military experience. By the summer of 1981, the IRGC had organized basic training centers with experienced commanders and a select group of regular officers. They also had 50,000 members, and its strength would jump to 100,000 in 1983 and 250,000 in 1985. In order to meet all its manpower needs on the Iraq war front, the IRGC then turned to its volunteer militia, the Basij. The Basij members provided more troops than the IRGC could arm. The average Basij member came from Irans rural areas and can be described as poor, uneducated, and ranged in age from twelve to thirty years old. Like the IRGC, the Basij members are motivated by both religion and ideology. After the Iran-Iraq War, the IRGC focused on external threats as the Basij increased its involvement in domestic affairs. In past years, the Basij militia has been active in controlling public gatherings and disrupting demonstrations by civil or student activists.
As Barack Obama seeks to chart a new course in American foreign policy, one of the English language media's most respected authorities on the Arab world, David Gardner, addresses the controversial but urgent question: why is the Middle East so dysfunctional? And what can be done about it? Clear-sighted, never flinching from unpalatable truths, Gardner draws on his acute grasp of history and decades of experience covering the region to look at why conflict, despotism and sectarianism continue to flourish in the Arab world whilst as they decline everywhere else. The 'Middle East exception' is, he argues, a product of the West's own making. By supporting tyrants, fueling the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and demonizing democratically elected Islamist parties, the West in general but specifically America has incubated a region inherently resistant to economic and political reform, and suppurating with resentment. As the Obama administration plans its Middle East policy, Gardner argues for nothing less than a total reappraisal of what realpolitik means. The traditional shibboleths: support Israel, mollify the Saudis, suppress Islamism, simply will not do in the 21st century, he argues. Both an introduction to the modern Middle East and an impassioned polemic, "Last Chance" is essential reading for anyone concerned with the future of the region. 'This book should be in the hand baggage of every one of President Obama's Middle East negotiators' - Jon Snow, Channel 4.
This book links sectarianism in Iraq to the failure of the modern nation-state to resolve tensions between sectarian identities and concepts of unified statehood and uniform citizenry. After a theoretical excursus that recasts the notion of primordial identity as a socially constructed reality, the author sets out to explain the persistence of sectarian affiliations in Iraq since its creation following the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire. Despite the adoption of homogenizing state policies, the uneven sectarian composition of the ruling elites nurtured feelings of political exclusion among marginalized sectarian groups, the Shicites before 2003 and the Sunnis in the post-2003 period. The book then examines how communal discourses in the educational curriculum provoked masked forms of resistance that sharpened sectarian consciousness. Tracing how the anti-Persian streak in the nation-state’s Pan-Arab ideology, which camouflaged anti-Shicism, undermined Iraq’s national integration project, Sectarianism in Iraq delves into the country’s slide from a totalizing Pan-Arab ideology in the pre-2003 period toward the atomistic impulse of the federalist debate in the post-2003 period. Employing extensive fieldwork, this book sheds light on the dynamics of political life in post-Saddam Iraq and is essential reading for Iraqi and Middle East specialists, as well as those interested in understanding the current heightening of sectarian Sunni-Shicite tensions in the Middle East.
As Ambassador and Special Envoy on Afghanistan from 1989 to 1992, Peter Tomsen has had close relationships with Afghan leaders and has dealt with senior Taliban, warlords, and religious leaders involved in the region's conflicts over the last two decades. Now Tomsen draws on a rich trove of never-before-published material to shed new light on the American involvement in the long and continuing Afghan war. This book offers a deeply informed perspective on how Afghanistan's history as a "shatter zone" for foreign invaders and its tribal society have shaped the modern Afghan narrative. It brings to life the appallingly misinformed secret operations by foreign intelligence agencies, including the Soviet NKVD and KGB, the Pakistani ISI, and the CIA. American policy makers, Tomsen argues, still do not understand Afghanistan; nor do they appreciate how the CIA's covert operations and the Pentagon's military strategy have strengthened extremism in the country. At this critical time, he shows how the U.S. and the coalition it leads can assist the region back to peace and stability.
In The Iranian Revolution Then and Now , Dariush Zahedi assesses the Islamic Republic's potential for revolution through an in-depth, theoretically informed, comparative analysis of the present with 1979 pre-Revolutionary Iran. Zahedi discusses how the potential for a revolutionary coup is based on two things: the inherent defects and vulnerabilities in the regime and the coordinated actions of the social groups and individuals opposed to the regime. He also identifies two ideal-typical forms of revolutionary change. }In The Iranian Revolution Then and Now , Dariush Zahedi assesses the Islamic Republic's potential for revolution through an in-depth, theoretically informed, comparative analysis of the present with 1979 pre-Revolutionary Iran. Zahedi discusses how the potential for a revolutionary coup is based on two things: the inherent defects and vulnerabilities in the regime and the coordinated actions of the social groups and individuals opposed to the regime. He also identifies two ideal-typical forms of revolutionary change (the regime collapses on its own, or, the regime is overthrown). He concludes that the chances for overthrowing the present regime are moderate. }
Biography & Autobiography by Vivienne E. Perkins Ph. D.
The Narrow Way is an honest account of a life, fully lived, under God's all-seeing eye. Although a memoir, it is not a conventional one. No reader will like everything in this book, but every reader struggling with some aspect of life—sexual abuse, marriage, militarism, prison, the loneliness of the American experience, the failure of democratic institutions, the quest for self-knowledge, the search for God—can find something interesting and useful in it. Opening with an examination of the long-term damage done to sexually abused children, Part One covers the problems of marriage, the significance of dreams, art, and literature, an insight into suffering, an approach to understanding Scripture, and the social impact Jesus had on His society via teachings that we are still refusing to take seriously. In Part Two, the author gives an overview of the impact of the so-called "Enlightenment," a period that promised a better human type living in an improved world, but that brought the human family instead to non-stop, high-tech war-making, rampant resource consumption, and an on-coming social, environmental, and economic catastrophe—precisely because Christians, seduced by the products of the machine, have steadily diluted their commitment to Christ, who showed us the "narrow way that leads to life." The Narrow Way—the result of fifty years of hard study of the intellectual and social trends of the past 250 years—is a challenging book. Starting where theologian Reinhold Niebuhr left off, it critiques the so-called American way of life and calls for change.
This book features chapters that examine the various ways of belonging in the Middle East. Belonging can mean fitting in, feeling at home, feeling a part; this kind of belonging is profoundly social. Belongings can be possessions, objects closely associated with one’s deepest notions of identity. Both kinds of belongings pertain to people and the kindreds, ethnic groups, and nations (and/or states) they call their own. Belongings of both kinds are, more often than not, emplaced and territorialized. All of the chapters treat Middle Eastern collectivities as sites of anguished cultural projects. All use metaphor: national territory as woman, national resolve as cactus, and so on. None is reductionistic; belonging is rendered in its complexity, with its agonies as well as its joys. All could be identified with a growing genre of work on belonging. At the heart of each are the bonds that comprise belonging. Each one conveys both belonging’s messiness and its joys, and touches as much as it argues and elaborates. This book was published as a special issue of Identities: Global Studies in Culture and Power.
This book examines contemporary feminist visual activism(s) through the lens of embodiment(s). The contributors explore how the arts articulate and engage with the current sense of crisis and political concerns (e.g. equality, decolonisation, social justice, democracy, precarity, vulnerability), negotiated with and through the body. Drawing upon the legacy of feminist art historical critique, the book scrutinises activist strategies, practices and resilience techniques in intersectional and transnational frameworks. It interrogates how the arts enable the creation of civil and political resilience, become engaged with politics as a response to disaster capitalism and attempt to reform and improve society. The book will be of interest to scholars working in art history, visual culture, fine arts, women’s studies, gender studies, feminism and cultural studies.
The history of terrorism stretches back nearly two thousand years and terrorism, both in the forms of terrorist groups and terror regimes, is an inherent part of the modern world: from Anarchist groups to al-Qaida; from Hitler’s Germany and SS to al-Bashir’s Sudan and Janjaweed militias. It is a subject of high current interest that is rarely out of the news (not least as the legacy of ‘9/11’) and it is also of enduring interest. As a new volume in the Seminar Studies series, Terrorism has been brought up-to-date and now looks at both contemporary terrorism and its historical antecedents, providing a much needed introduction to the subject.