Hitchens identifies everything that he feels has gone wrong with Britain since the Second World War and makes the case for the 'many millions who feel that they have become foreigners in their own land and wish with each succeeding day that they could turn the clock back'. Writing with brilliance and flair, Hitchens targets the pernicious effects of TV culture, the corruption and decay of English language, the loss of deference and the syrupy confessional mood brought on by the death of Princess Diana. 'This is a cri de coeur from an honest, intelligent and patriotic Englishman desperately worried about the corruption of this country and the likely effects of its lurch into the clutches of a European.' The Spectator
'It's fair to say that Peter Hitchens remains one of the most misrepresented figures in the British media... Hitchens is in reality one of the most thought-provoking and intelligent commentators on life in contemporary Britain' Neil Clark, Spectator From identification cards to how we protect our property, public debate rages over what our basic human rights are, and how they are to be protected. In this trenchant and provocative book Peter Hitchens sets out to show that popular views of these hotly contested issues - from crime and punishment to so-called 'soft drugs' - are based on mistaken beliefs, massaged figures and cheap slogans. His powerful and counter-intuitive conclusions make challenging reading for those on both the Left and the Right and are essential reading for all concerned with creating a lawful and peaceful society.The Abolition of Liberty argues that because of the misdemeanours of the few, the liberty of the many is seriously jeopardized.
The global commemorative events of 2007 that marked the bicentennial anniversary of the parliamentary abolition of the African slave trade provided opportunity for widespread discussion between politicians, community groups, museums and heritage organisations, the clergy, and scholars, as to the meanings of colonial and post-colonial freedom. As was evident from the tensions emerging from those debates, the subject of the transatlantic slave trade and slavery remains highly charged, as does the extent to which its legacy of racism, predicated on theoretical assumptions of European cultural, social, political and economic superiority, continues to maintain and reproduce complex systems of inequalities between peoples and societies. Free at Last? is an edited collection of interdisciplinary perspectives that critically reflects on the struggles of enslaved peoples and anti-slavery activists to effect the abolition of the British slave trade, as well as the post-abolition global legacies of those diverse struggles for equality. The chapters bring together multiple narratives and discourses about the British abolition to reflect critically and comparatively on: the boundaries between slavery and freedom; the contestations and championing of freedom; and the legacies of slavery and abolition in the contemporary context.
The Abolition of the Slave Trade in Southeastern Nigeria, 1885 - 1950, is a history of the campaign waged by Great Britain in colonial Nigeria from approximately 1885 on, to abolish the internal slave trade in the Bight of Biafra and its hinterland, a region also known as Eastern Nigeria, Southeastern Nigeria, the Eastern Provinces, or the trans-Niger Provinces. It treats the internal slave trade and the war against it in this region and period as themes separate from the institution of slavery in the same area and the campaign to root it out generally known as emancipation. For this reason, and because slavery and the effort at emancipation have received more attention from scholars, this work concentrates entirely on that aspect of the slave trade and its fortunes under British colonial rule commonly known as abolition. In reconstructing the story of this important and protracted campaign, Adiele Afigbo sheds light on a dark corner of social history that has largely been neglected by historians. Adiele Afigbo is professor in the Department of History and International Relations at Ebonyi State University, Nigeria.
This book explores the abolition of African slavery in Spanish Cuba from 1817 to 1886—from the first Anglo-Spanish agreement to abolish the slave trade until the removal from Cuba of the last vestige of black servitude. Making extensive use of heretofore untapped research sources from the Spanish archives, the author has developed new perspectives on nineteenth-century Spanish policy in Cuba. He skillfully interrelates the problem of slavery with international politics, with Cuban conservative and liberal movements, and with political and economic developments in Spain itself. Arthur Corwin finds that the study of this problem falls naturally into two phases, the first of which, 1817–1860, traces the gradual reduction of the African traffic to the Spanish Antilles and constitutes, in effect, a study in Anglo-Spanish diplomacy. He gives special attention here to the aggressive nature of British abolitionist diplomacy and the mounting but generally ineffective indignation resulting from Spanish failure to apply sanctions against the traffic, as well as the increasing North American interest in the annexation of Cuba. The first phase has for its principal theme the manner in which for decades Spain feigned compliance with agreements to end the slave trade while actually protecting slaveholding interests as the best means of holding Cuba. The American Civil War, which destroyed the greatest bulwark of black slavery in the New World, marked the opening of a new phase, 1860–1886. The author strongly emphasizes here such influences as the rise of the Creole reform movement in Cuba and Puerto Rico, which, reading the signs of the times, gave the initial impulse to a Spanish abolitionist movement and contributed to closing the Cuban slave trade in 1866; the liberal revolution of 1868 in Spain and its promise of colonial reforms; the outbreak of the great Creole rebellion in Cuba, 1868–1878, and the abolitionist promises of the rebel chieftains; the threat of American intervention and the abolitionist pressure of American diplomacy; and the protests of the Spanish reactionaries in Spain and Cuba, leading to further procrastination in Madrid. The second phase has as its principal theme the shaping, through all these intertwined factors, of Spain’s first measure of gradual emancipation, the Moret Law of 1870, and all subsequent steps toward abolition.
Slavery helped finance the Industrial Revolution in England. Plantation owners, shipbuilders, and merchants connected with the slave trade accumulated vast fortunes that established banks and heavy industry in Europe and expanded the reach of capitalism worldwide. Eric Williams advanced these powerful ideas in the influential and widely debated Capitalism and Slavery, published in 1944 and based on his previously unavailable dissertation, now available in book form for the first time. Williams’s profound critique became the foundation for studies of imperialism and economic development. Establishing the exploitation of commercial capitalism and its link to racial attitudes, Williams employed a historicist vision that has set the tone for an entire field. The significant differences between his two works allows us to reconsider questions that have lost none of their urgency; indeed, whose importance has increased.